Mind you, I understand what it is to wax nostalgic over the past. After all, that’s what I’m doing here. I admire the sparkling subway, the sanitation, the safety, the beautiful modern buildings, and the democratic society (however divided). But I miss being able to ride my bicycle out of town and into the rice fields of the countryside in a half an hour. The shouts of “Watermelon!” on the alley. And even the smell of the sewer. The antiseptic today is less other, and doesn’t clutch at me. So I get that Sister still carries a torch for Chiang Kai-Shek and his visions of a united China (under his rule, of course). “He did so many good things for Taiwan,” she says. "Made modern, economically successful.”
2.27.2025
Nostalgia
2.22.2025
Generalissimo
“I couldn’t believe they did that!” Sister says. “And only fined $75!”
We are in the Chiang Kai-Shek Memorial, and she is telling me about the 2018 incident when students threw eggshells filled with red paint at the giant statue of the Kuomintang Generalissimo. It was one among many defacements of the hundreds of such statues dotted around the island, fueled by rage against the 38 years of martial law when Chiang and his son ruled, killing and imprisoning more than a hundred thousand Taiwanese. They had already endured centuries of Dutch, Spanish, Chinese and, for 50 years, of Japanese rule. After Japan’s surrender following WWII, the island was again ceded to China.
Chiang had removed to Taiwan in stages, with war-hardened soldiers and all the gold and art he could manage to take from the mainland. Apparently also intellectual capital. Sister’s father, as assistant professor of literature at the university in Beijing, was asked by the Minister of Education whether he was interested in moving to Taiwan. He agreed to go and check it out, leaving his wife and young son on the mainland. He sent for them in 1948, when it looked like Mao was winning and China was becoming dangerous for the upper classes. Sister’s mother arrived with only a suitcase, without the family valuables. By the time Sister was born in 1949 and it was clear Chiang was never going to prevail, they had received word: “Don’t come back.”
Family members were later sent to the fields for backbreaking labor and “reeducation.”
Sister bows in front of the massive statue. An honor guard marches past us, heels clicking on the marble floor, as we leave the hall. Perhaps in warning to future protestors.
By the time I first arrived in 1971 (on the wrong day, due to crossing the International Date Line), Henry Kissinger, under President Nixon, was quietly trying to hammer out the Two-China policy, and Chiang, still claiming to be the ruler of all China, was trying to prevent Communist China being given a seat at the United Nations.
I was often asked to sign petitions: “Strongly Oppose the Chinese Bandits Entering UN.” To which I recited my, “I don’t know anything about politics” mantra. It was true, but I couldn’t understand why a nation of 843 million people (while Taiwan had a population of 14 million people) was unrepresented in the world body.
Repressive military rule was new to me. A man could be taken to the police station to have his hair cut if it was too long. Kissing on the street was forbidden. I myself had had experience of the Chiang Kai-Shek’s nationalist party spies. And a medical student friend confided that one day the cadaver he was supposed to dissect was the body of a friend who had been in the Taiwanese independence movement. The man had been in prison for more than a year and his body bore evidence of repeated torture.
And as we left the Chiang Kai-Shek memorial the other day, it occurred to me that one of China’s first moves after taking over Taiwan would be the erasure of the effigy of their enemy.
“That statue will be gone if China takes over,” I told Sister. “They will remove it.”
“They wouldn’t,” she said.
2.18.2025
Spy Story
On that last visit, I was on my way back from spending more than a month in China, traveling down the Yangtze from Chongqing to Shanghai for a Life magazine story on the building of the Three Gorges Dam and to Suzhou for a story about American couples adopting unwanted Chinese girls. My problem with the authorities likely began with my name on the magazine’s masthead. And then the damage was compounded by my heading directly towards a sensitive area near the border in the Golden Triangle area. That’s where the photographer working with me and I were questioned by the police for the first time and had our passports taken away.
We were actually in that neck of the woods—um rice paddies—to shoot a story about the women of one family for a National Geographic book. But clearly they feared I was doing a story about the drug trade. That or I was a CIA spy.
I hadn’t focused on the history of Time Inc in China. The company was started by Henry Luce, a missionary’s son raised in China, who had connections with the CIA and close ties with Chiang Kai-Shek, leader of the Kuomintang Nationalist party in the Chinese Civil War. A war he lost to Communist Party leader Mao Zedong. Chiang and much of his army and many of his supporters, including Sister’s father, fled to Taiwan to regroup.
So not only was the company I worked for suspicious, but the company I kept: I had studied in Taiwan and spoke a little Chinese, suspicious in itself. I was later to discover that Chinese who spoke good English then were mostly engaged in surveillance. And the better the English the higher the position in the Ministry of Public Security, also called the Foreign Affairs Police. They needed to keep an eye on me. And they did.
Sister and I in front of the modern apartment building where her house used to be.
2.16.2025
Good morning, Taiwan
2.11.2025
Younger Brother
Younger Brother gets out of an ice cold shower. He is done with his morning calisthenics and is about ready to eat the oddest breakfast I have ever witnessed. Also huge. He’s been on a health kick lately, between trips to photograph the conflict in Ukraine. As a Taiwanese, he feels solidarity with Ukraine as it fights a mighty neighboring power trying to consume it.
“So you think the Chinese won’t invade Taiwan soon?” I ask. I have been wondering how risky a trip there is right now, with our own government in such disarray, bestowing tariffs on China while supplying Taiwan with arms.
“The Chinese have their own problems right now,” he says. “But if there is a threat, I am on the next plane home.” He lives in Austria, but Taiwan, where his mother and family are, is home. “I don’t know if I’ll shoot with a camera or a gun,” he says. “Maybe I’ll mount a gun on my camera.”
He has already invested in armored tactical gear to work near the front lines in Ukraine. Indeed, he has bought more while in New York. He is staying with me while printing huge photographs for an upcoming show.
Younger Brother and I met through a war correspondent friend from Life magazine some 25 years ago. We became friends partly because I had at least been to Taiwan, and we have become even closer as we watched our dear friend ail and die. Younger Brother and I have done stories and books together. I have written critiques and captions and intros. And he has taken me along to Taiwan and Singapore and Vietnam. Neither one of us is welcome in China any longer. Younger brother is one of my two close friends from Taiwan. And that is a conundrum.
Taiwan, like the U.S. and so many other countries these days, is divided into camps, those who favor reunification with China, and those who favor, and fight for, an independent Taiwan. My friends are on opposite sides. Older Sister and Younger Brother.